Chapter 12: Fragmentation of Malaysian Society

The Unraveling of Malay Society

In the early decades following independence, glaring interracial inequities were the major factor in interracial animosities. Today such inequalities have been greatly reduced, and a new problem has cropped up: increasing inequities within Malays. Income disparity specifically is worse among Malays, especially since the 1990s. The Malay middle class is not expanding as rapidly as during the first decade of the NEP, or compared to those of the other communities. Malays are disproportionately over represented among the poor and near poor.

While Malay leaders are quick to recognize the dangers of interracial disparities, there is surprisingly little willingness to acknowledge let alone solve the more dangerous problem of intra-Malay inequities.

This general acceptance of socioeconomic disparities among Malays is a carry over of the feudal mentality: the mindset and belief that sultans, aristocrats and others should be at the top of the social heap, with the peasants meekly accepting their fate at the bottom. This is reinforced by religious beliefs (“It is so written in the book”). With rising modernity, Malay villagers no longer readily accept their position at the bottom of the pile with equanimity. Expectations have rightly risen, and therefore that much more dangerous if not satisfied.

There may have been some vicarious satisfaction earlier on among poor Malays in seeing a few of their kind joining the millionaires’ club, hitherto the exclusive preserve of non-Malays. Such reflected racial glories have long gone, hastened by the obscenely ostentatious lifestyles of the newly rich Malays. What grates Malays most is that while the rich and successful among non- Malays made it on their own effort and ingenuity, many newly rich Malays got theirs courtesy of the NEP or through outright corruption and rent-seeking behaviors.

A revealing reflection of this new perception is to observe the behaviors of Malays with skills and talent that are in demand globally. During my youth, it was unheard of for such Malays to contemplate emigrating. Today, they are all seeking ways to stay back in the West. Few have considerations of the traditional sense of patriotism. These include even children of ministers. Malaysia Airlines (MAS) is losing its senior pilots in droves for the same reason. Their skills are globally recognized; they see no reason why they should sacrifice themselves with reduced pay especially when they see politicians and favored cronies raking in the dough.

One senior Malay pilot explained it best. Initially he too was caught up with the nationalistic fervor and willingly joined MAS when it split from the old Malayan Airways jointly owned with Singapore. He endured substantial pay cuts in doing so. What grated him most was the arrogance of Tajuddin Ramli who bought a controlling interest in MAS (aided by generous financing from GLC banks). As the new Chairman, he lorded it over the loyal employees who had worked hard to make the company successful. Tajuddin’s expression of gratitude to them was that if they did not like the new MAS, then they should leave. So that pilot did. Not only did he earn considerably more by working for a foreign airline, he had every Hari Raya off! That pilot was not alone.

Many Malaysians leave not because they are disloyal, rather the glaring disparity in what they could earn elsewhere. There are non-Malays who leave for essentially the same reason but hide behind such spurious excuses like being discriminated against in Malaysia.

The country is fast losing its precious talent through such emigrations. Previously when only non-Malays were involved, Malay politicians would gleefully label them as “unpatriotic.” Later, when young Malays too began leaving, these leaders began taking note.

The political division among Malays is between the conservatives on one hand, and the progressive and mildly republican types on the other. I say mildly republican because most Malays still have not given up on the idea that their sultans have a mandate from heaven (daulat). This is further reinforced in Islam, even though most Muslim countries have done away with their kings and sultans. This division is compounded by the rise of political Islam. When religion mixes with politics, the result is always volatile. In America, the engagement of the Christian rights with the Republican Party is polarizing the country and aggravating existing culture wars.

The division with respect to Islam can be simplistically put as between the progressive liberals and the fundamentalist conservatives, or between those who interpret the Quran and other ancient texts in their context (the “contextualists”), and those who read them literally, the “literalists.” This division is again artificial and unnecessary. Many also conveniently but erroneously describe this as a fight between UMNO and PAS, the two primary Malay parties. It is not, as the fundamentalists exert considerable influence in both parties. Consequently, liberal Muslims feel squeezed out from both parties, with each party trying to outdo the other in appearing more Islamic, that is, more conservative. The fear of liberal Malays, which is unrealistic and unjustifiable, is the Talibanization of the country. The Islamists cannot impose Islamic laws on Malaysia simply because they cannot get the support of non-Muslims. Many Malays do not support the proposition either.

Non-Muslims conveniently stay out of this intra-Muslim (basically intra-Malay) dispute not because they are not affected by the outcome rather they know that this is a battle those fundamentalists can never win. I agree with the second proposition, but not the first.

The constitutional amendment of 1988 allowing for parity between the Syariah and civil courts is instructive. Since then there have been many decisions of the Syariah courts that made many uneasy. The latest, and one that received the widest publicity, involved a recent convert to Islam. The poor soul failed to notify his wife of this fact, and when he died, she challenged the decision to bury him as a Muslim. The civil court declined to hear the case claiming it had no jurisdiction over matters that should fall under the Syariah. There are other equally distressing decisions of the Syariah courts that unnerve many non-Muslims, especially where one party to the dispute is a non-Muslim.

The Islamic establishment vastly expanded under the Mahathir Administration, part of his strategy to co-opt those young Muslims. It was also a massive public works project for these otherwise unemployable Islamic Studies graduates. Despite their preferential absorption into the public sector, they still form the largest number of unemployed graduates. Perversely, the government’s generous expansion of the Islamic establishment encourages even more young Malays to opt for Islamic Studies. This is the single biggest contributor to the lack of Malay competitiveness.

This does not have to be so. Islamic institutions, in particular schools and universities, could be modernized and made relevant. That is the only way to make Islam an effective force for modernizing Malays. I will pick up on this thread later (Chapter 18).

Next: Learning to Disagree Agreeably

At a recent gregarious social gathering a colleague, whose luck in personal relationships could best be described as challenged, was teased on whether she was scouting for her next ex-husband! With the current frenzied UMNO divisional nominating meetings, I am tempted to ask a similar question of its members. Are they too looking for their next ex-leader?

If there is any lesson UMNO members should have learned is that the way they pick their leaders needs to be revamped. By now they should have realized the devastating consequences of the “no contest rule” for the two top positions and the onerous nomination quota system, as well as the equally atrocious track record of any one leader (no matter how seemingly wise and brilliant at the time) in anointing his or her successor.

There are indications that this reality is now gradually sinking in, at least on the brave and perceptive few. Thus far that is all there is, only a realization, and nothing more.

Shahrir Samad, cabinet minister and UMNO Supreme Council member, called for “a generational change” in his party’s leadership. He viewed UMNO as becoming overly bureaucratic, with heavy emphasis on seniority and hierarchy. At age 58, Shahrir considered himself too late and too old to go for a top post.

Whether that is a statement of reality or merely an undisguised expression of lack of confidence on the current generation of leaders is for Shahrir to clarify. Both Najib Razak and Muhyyidin Yassin, leading candidates for the number one and two slots respectively, are of the same vintage as Shahrir.

If Shahrir was expressing his low opinion of current UMNO leaders, then he is on to something. There are no jantans among them. In the current leadership fiasco they have chosen to remain quiet and dutiful until it becomes quite obvious that their leader has become the butt of jokes. Only then did they finally dare speak up.

Of course there are exceptions but few, and Shahrir is not among them. The caliber of present UMNO leaders, in the cabinet as well as the party’s Supreme Council, is such that were they to see their leader stark naked, they would more likely compliment him for his nice tan instead of throwing a sarong at the hapless man!

Among the few and ready exceptions are Tengku Razaleigh and Zaid Ibrahim. The Tengku saw through Abdullah very early on and challenged him for the leadership. Only the onerous burden of the quota on nominations prevented Ku Li from contesting; the same hurdle that may confront him now. Zaid Ibrahim remains the only Malaysian minister to have resigned over a matter of principle.

There have been many ministerial resignations in the past, as Abdullah’s dutiful spinmeisters in The New Straits Times pointed out in an attempt to soften the impact of Zaid’s action. What those media supplicants pointedly failed to differentiate is that all those earlier resignations were essentially forced upon or out of shame.

Incidentally neither the Tengku nor Zaid is on UMNO Supreme Council. That speaks volume as to the caliber of individuals attracted and voted to the party’s top leadership.

The current frenzy of divisional nominating activities is likened by that keen observer of UMNO politics, Kadir Jasin, to the behaviors of passengers stranded on the freeway by their broken-down chartered bus. In their desperation, they are less interested in the comfort, safety or reliability of their replacement vehicle, only with reaching their destination on time. They reason that once they get there they could then leisurely shop for a better and more comfortable substitute for the return trip. It would never cross their mind that in their haste and less-than-prudent choice now, they could end up in a ditch or worse, before reaching their destination.

Soon after Abdullah assumed power and was searching for a deputy, I suggested that he picked Tengku Razaleigh. As both are at about the same age it would be unlikely for the Tengku to pose as a potential succession threat. They would also complement each other in skills and temperament. Together they could then revamp UMNO so as to attract fresh young new talent and then completely bypass the current crop of ineffective and parochial leaders as represented by Najib, Hishamuddin and Muhyyidin.

Had Abdullah done that his fate today, as well as that of Malaysia, would be far different! It is still not too late for him to recoup. As President he could summon a special General Assembly of UMNO specifically to dismantle the nomination quota. In so doing Abdullah would effectively undo one of Mahathir’s less-than-laudatory legacies.

Abdullah would effectively make the current nominating exercise mute, and simultaneously open up the party elections. That could prove beneficial especially if his son-in-law were to be unsuccessful in securing his quota of nominations, which now appears increasingly possible. Abdullah would also then have the great pleasure of watching Najib Razak desperately scrambling to fend off a strong challenge from Tengku Razaleigh. There is little love lost between Najib and Abdullah, and that single maneuver would be the perfect finale from Abdullah to Najib: Don’t get mad, get even!

Muhyyidin the Meek

Recently Muhyyidin had been incessantly clamoring for change in UMNO’s top leadership. Much earlier, as head of the party’s committee tasked with changing its rules, he was forceful in advocating removing the current nomination quota system. On meeting a not-unexpected resistance from Abdullah, Muhyyidin readily yielded.

Now with the man he is rooting to replace Abdullah slated to win san competition, Muhyyidin has chosen to remain uncharacteristically passive. He even urged all divisions to unanimously nominate Najib Razak as party president, and only Najib, as a “show of party unity.” Quite a remarkable and considerable shift in position, and a very quick one at that! Obviously Muhyyidin is banking on riding Najib’s coattail to the top, and doing so unopposed! As an aside, someone should now ask him what he thinks of the nomination quota system.

With that tantalizing prospect, Muhyyidin is now pathetically reduced to mouthing sycophantic praises for Najib, claiming, “I have no doubt that I will work very well with Najib ….” As a preview of the kind of leader he would be, Muhyyidin reassured everyone that he “would not dictate policies.” Rather as Deputy President, his is “to support and follow whatever directions and visions the president has spelled out.” In short, a glorified office boy in the highest office of the land!

Muhyyidin does not see a higher responsibility to the party or country; his loyalty is strictly to the president, a latter-day Hang Tuah. Thankfully thus far he has refrained from dripping his keris with ketchup in defense of Najib.

Muhyyidin was the chief executive (Mentri Besar) of Johor for a decade before Mahathir “promoted” him to the federal level. In the UMNO scheme of things, a mentri besar is a major “warlord,” certainly more so than a minister, especially for a state like Johore. Back then he grabbed headlines in a regional publication over his tussle with a foreign developer with substantial holdings in his state. I believe firmly in the ability of individuals to change, for the better as well for the worse. My retelling this old story is merely to temper the fast growing enthusiasm for him shown by local commentators.

Najib No “More Bettah!”

Assured of being unopposed for the top slot, Najib wisely chose not to be a part of this emerging attempt at setting up a mutual admiration society with Muhyiddin, declaring that he (Najib) “has not decided if Muhyiddin would be his running mate.” That is quite a rebuff! Najib went further and remarked “the more the merrier” when others like the double Muhammad Taib declared their intention to seek the number two position to compete directly with Muhyyidin.

However, when Perlis UMNO Youth leader Ismail Hashim had the temerity to consider competing directly with Najib, he (Najib) abruptly changed his tune, expressing doubt whether Ismail could even muster the necessary nominations.

Najib would like to have the top prize handed to him on a silver platter, as has been the pattern throughout his political career. To ensure that, Najib expressed his definite lack of enthusiasm for dismantling the current nomination quota rule even though his mentor and champion Tun Mahathir has called for it. Najib did not rule out doing so eventually, once he is gone!

With all his sordid baggage Najib is understandably sacred stiff in getting not only a formidable competitor in Tengku Razaleigh but also insignificant ones like Ismail Hashim. Najib is scared that Ismail would provide an avenue for protest votes.

Do not expect a change the UMNO’s leadership come March 2009, merely a change of faces. The insular attitude and feudal mindset behind those familair faces remain the same; likewise the corruption and incompetence. Unfortunately that would be bad for Malaysia, unless Anwar Ibrahim and his Pakatan Rakayt were to be successful.

Meanwhile enjoy the spectacle of UMNO members now frantically searching for their next ex-leader. Try not to let your concerns about the future of Malaysia detract you from enjoying the frivolity!

Race And Islam

By Farish A. Noor

It is odd, to say the least, that after more than 14 centuries there remain some people who claim to be Muslims but have not internalised the universal values of Islam. Odder still there remain those who on the one hand can embrace Islam’s universal claim of brotherhood (and sisterhood) but still cannot get around to understanding the simple idea that Islam and racism do not mix.

Evidence of such discrepancies can be found pretty much everywhere these days. It has, sadly, become the normative cultural norm in so many Muslim societies today that those who are fair are better off and given the privileges that they feel is the natural right of all light-skinned people. It is also interesting to note that Muslims tend to rejoice whenever a white American or European converts to Islam, but seem less enthusiastic in their recognition of the fact that thousands of Africans and Asians are converting to Islam every year.

Furthermore when it comes to governance and politics, it remains painfully clear that some Muslims still place blood and race above competency and merit till today; and that despite their profession of faith they remain embedded in the stagnant mode of racialized thinking that operates on the basis that some races are better than others.

One such case has popped up recently in multicultural Malaysia, where a row was sparked off by the nomination of a Chinese woman – Low Siew Moi – as the head of a state institution linked to the economic management and development of the state of Selangor, the PKNS. Despite the fact that Low Siew Moi was selected by the Chief Minister of the state Tan Sri Khalid on the basis of merit; some quarters chose to publicly disagree with her appointment on the grounds that the Malay-Muslims of the state would object to the appointment. But objection on what grounds? On the basis that she is a Chinese woman?

Here the already convoluted waters of Malaysia’s racialized politics turns a shade murkier; for among those who objected to the appointment of Low Siew Moi were some members of the Malaysian Islamic party PAS.

Malaysia’s politics has been defined by racial concerns and the communitarian demands of the various religious and ethnic groups of the country since its independence in 1957. Over the past three decades, however, the tone and tenor of the country’s conservative, right-wing ethno-nationalist politics was further colored by the Islamization race in the country with the Malaysian government attempting to further inculcate Islamic values into the norms of governance in Malaysia as well.

Ironically however, Malaysia’s Islamization program seems to be more concerned with book-banning, fatwas on social behaviour (including the recent revelation that there may be a fatwa on Yoga soon, wait for it), and moral policing instead. Where, the Islamic scholar may ask, were the universal values of Islam in the midst of all this social engineering? Did the leaders of Malaysia not realise, or forget, the simple idea that Islam is an egalitarian faith that is colour-blind; and that the concept of ‘race’ is an alien idea in Islam?

The dilemma that Malaysia is facing now is the same dilemma faced by many other Muslim societies where the defence and promotion of Islam often goes hand-in-hand with the defence and promotion of the communitarian interests of Muslims. In Malaysia’s case, where Muslims are overwhelmingly Malay, then this also translates as the defence of Malay interests – to the extent of propagating the ethno-nationalist idea of Malay cultural dominance as well. Now what on earth is Islamic about this?

Here is where orthodox Muslim scholarship has to come in and make its timely intervention. For it has to be remembered that the success of Islam and the success of Muslims are two entirely different things, that may also clash and negate each other at times. The victory of Islam, so to speak, has to be understood as the victory of universal values such as egalitarianism and equality before God. The victory of Muslims, on the other hand, may at times be understood as political victories that may or may not conform to the standards of Islamic ethics. The defeat of the Kuwaitis at the hands of Saddam Hussein, for instance, was a case of one Muslim state defeating another: but was this a victory for Islam? Likewise, when Muslims openly and abrasively demand special rights and privileges for themselves at the cost of equality and meritocracy, is this really a victory for Islam?

Those who have criticised and opposed the appointment of Low Siew Moi as the head of PKNS on the grounds that the job should have been given to a Malay-Muslim instead should therefore look closely at themselves and ask: What is it that you are fighting for? Malay-Muslim dominance or a better form of governance that is based on merit and equality? The Islamic scholar will remind you that the latter is Islamic, while the former is not.

In any case, for Muslims to even think in racialized communitarian terms is a misnomer of sorts as such modes of communitarian, sectarian thinking has no real place in Islamic orthodoxy and ethics. To quote Tuan Guru Nik Aziz Nik Mat, spiritual leader of the Malaysian Islamic Party PAS: ‘tell me, what race was Adam?’ ‘Nuff said I think.

Dr. Farish A. Noor is a Senior Fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore; and one of the founders of the www.othermalaysia.org research site.